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Racial Threat and Partisan Identification

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  • Giles, Micheal W.
  • Hertz, Kaenan

Abstract

Over the past three decades, as the Democratic party in the South has come to depend more heavily on black voters for its success, it has experienced a decline among white adherents. Power theory views relationships between groups as a function of their competitive positions in political, economic, and social arenas. In contexts where the threat posed by a minority group is high, the dominant group's response is predicted to be more hostile than in contexts where that threat is low. A pooled time series analysis of voter registration data for Louisiana parishes for 1975–90 provides support for the operation of the threat mechanism. Higher black concentrations are associated with declines in the percentage of white registered voters who are Democrats and an increase in the percentage who are Republicans. Consistent with the expectations of power theory, this relationship is conditioned by the social status of the parish.

Suggested Citation

  • Giles, Micheal W. & Hertz, Kaenan, 1994. "Racial Threat and Partisan Identification," American Political Science Review, Cambridge University Press, vol. 88(2), pages 317-326, June.
    • Handle: RePEc:cup:apsrev:v:88:y:1994:i:02:p:317-326_09
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    Cited by:

    1. Olga Orlanski & Günther G. Schulze, 2017. "The Determinants of Islamophobia - An Empirical Analysis of the Swiss Minaret Referendum," CESifo Working Paper Series 6741, CESifo.
    2. Seth C. McKee & Melanie J. Springer, 2015. "A Tale of “Two Souths”: White Voting Behavior in Contemporary Southern Elections," Social Science Quarterly, Southwestern Social Science Association, vol. 96(2), pages 588-607, June.
    3. Knack, Stephen & White, James, 1998. "Did states' motor voter programs help the Democrats?," MPRA Paper 28052, University Library of Munich, Germany.
    4. Francisco Herreros & Henar Criado, 2009. "Social Trust, Social Capital and Perceptions of Immigration," Political Studies, Political Studies Association, vol. 57(2), pages 337-355, June.
    5. Christine H. Roch & Michael Rushton, 2008. "Racial Context and Voting over Taxes," Public Finance Review, , vol. 36(5), pages 614-634, September.
    6. Michael Reksulak & Gökhan Karahan & William Shughart, 2007. "Flags of our fathers: Voting on Confederate symbols in the State of Georgia," Public Choice, Springer, vol. 131(1), pages 83-99, April.
    7. Dietlind Stolle & Stuart Soroka & Richard Johnston, 2008. "When Does Diversity Erode Trust? Neighborhood Diversity, Interpersonal Trust and the Mediating Effect of Social Interactions," Political Studies, Political Studies Association, vol. 56(1), pages 57-75, March.
    8. Jon Wakefield, 2004. "Ecological inference for 2 × 2 tables (with discussion)," Journal of the Royal Statistical Society Series A, Royal Statistical Society, vol. 167(3), pages 385-445, July.
    9. Lauren M. McLaren, 2007. "Explaining Opposition to Turkish Membership of the EU," European Union Politics, , vol. 8(2), pages 251-278, June.
    10. Maureen A. Craig & Julian M. Rucker & Jennifer A. Richeson, 2018. "Racial and Political Dynamics of an Approaching “Majority-Minority†United States," The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, , vol. 677(1), pages 204-214, May.
    11. Joshua N. Zingher & M. Steen Thomas, 2014. "The Spatial and Demographic Determinants of Racial Threat," Social Science Quarterly, Southwestern Social Science Association, vol. 95(4), pages 1137-1154, December.
    12. Wendy K. Tam Cho & James G. Gimpel, 2010. "Rough Terrain: Spatial Variation in Campaign Contributing and Volunteerism," American Journal of Political Science, John Wiley & Sons, vol. 54(1), pages 74-89, January.
    13. Christopher Mullins & Daniel Kavish, 2017. "Conceal Carry and Race: A Test of Minority Threat Theory in Law Generation," Social Sciences, MDPI, vol. 6(4), pages 1-11, December.

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