Los sindicatos más representativos en la concertación social en Andalucía, 1993-2012

RESUMEN:Este trabajo analiza la incorporación del sindicalismo más representativo de la Comunidad Autónoma de Andalucía al modelo de concertación social gestado en la región. En el estudio se examinan la repercusión y los resultados alcanzados por estas organizaciones en su participación en el proceso de concertación social entre 1993 y 2012 en términos de influencia política, económica y social. Para ello se analizan los incentivos a la participación y los réditos obtenidos por las organizaciones sindicales y la evolución de una serie de indicadores que acercan el grado y la evolución de la penetración sindical en las empresas y la influencia entre sus representados, los trabajadores andaluces.ABSTRACT:This work analyses the incorporation of the majority trade unions of the autonomous community of Andalusia (Unión General de Trabajadores– General Workers’ Federation and Comisiones Obreras– Confederation of Workers’ Commissions) to the social concertation model carried out in this region. The study examines the impact and results reached by these organizations in their involvement in social concertation process between 1993 and 2012 in terms of political, economic and social influence.This study does not propose a general analysis of the results of social concertation in Andalusia, but to understand how it has affected trade unions as key actors of the process. The aim is to consider whether the increase in the political institutionalization at the highest level, is in line with the progression at economic and social level. In order to fulfill the specified objectives, the present structure is followed. First, a state of affairs and a theoretical frame of reference in order to place not just the issue of the relationship between trade unionism and social concertation, but also the position and progression developed by the trade unionism in Western Europe and Spain during the past years as reference framework. The methodology used and the sources consulted are detailed hereafter. On the basis of these two headings which set the conceptual and methodological study, two other sections which develop the analysis per se are proposed: one referred to the insertion and unions involvement in the Andalusian concertation model, and the other evaluates a series of indicators which ponder on a comparative viewpoint, the achievements in trade union density, electoral hearing, coverage of collective bargaining and the knowledge of union activities in enterprises. The work carried out will allow me to put forward the conclusions reached in the last heading. The andalusian trade unionism need to be considered within the Spanish model of trade union representation, which in turn, falls within the European-Mediterranean standard of Confederal Plurality: low relative affiliation and a higher representation and coverage of collective bargaining. Over the last 35 years, the general trend of the trade union membership in Europe has fallen (with the exception of the Nordic countries) as trade union representation rates and coverage of collective bargaining. In the 1970s, the new competitive demands in the increasingly globalised markets have imposed a production of goods and services which has required flexibility, cost reduction and permanent innovation. The normative changes introduced to that end have meant the loss of trade unions power and the strengthening of the corporate authority to implement unilateral changes.In that context, the Social Concertation in which trade union have been involved and through which has obtained their influence, has been substantially different to the Social Pacts based on the Keynesian economics developed in Europe in the 1960s and 1970s. Since the 1980s the structure, matters and incentives bargaining of Social Pacts have been modified. The policies agreed have focused on encouraging employment by increasing the competitiveness of the production fabric and the models of welfare reforms, with reduction of social rights and benefits in order to restrain public spending and stimulate job-finding assistance for the unemployed. This new concertation has been called “competitive” (“competitive corporatism”) or “supply-side”. The so-called “competitive social concertation” has sought to reach social agreement in order to advocate formulas of deregulation and flexibility, which are less radical and harmful than social models but also more consensual and reduced cost in terms of industrial disputes and social unrest. The agreements have been fragmented and decentralized regarding those based on the demand. The segmentation of that were negotiated has allowed trade unions to be joined to concrete agreements relating to partial policies, which don’t imply the support of general liberalization policies, that could be rejected by its affiliates.The methodology followed is based on verifying the importance of social concertation in Andalusia as a development strategy, through its financial review and its relationship to the total funds allocated to investment in the regional budgets. Once this matter has been verified, it raises two distinct spheres of analysis.First, It has been analyzed the insertion of trade union in social concertation, as well as, the impact on their finances through the case of CC OO-A (Andalusian Confederation of Workers’ Commissions) until 2003. In order to do this, it has been studied the congress documentation which is examined the debate concerning the participation and results of the process, interviews with key informant as well. This part of the analysis will indicate the incentives of the majority unions to participate in the Andalusian social concertation model, as well as the organisation’s overall assessment relating to the signed pacts. Second, It has been noted the evolution in: trade union density, electoral hearing, coverage of collective bargaining, conflicts (strikes) and level of knowledge of union activities in enterprises during the development of the tripartite social pacts, 1993-2012.While Social Concertation is a process which should introduce coordination, build confidence, cooperative atmosphere between business and trade unions and should also be supported by the horizontal consensus of workers, the indicators chosen must show a positive development higher than the Spanish average. Thus in the period under study, the other regions, taken as a whole, have not been involved in such an extended and stable social dialogue process.In this way, the assumption at the basis has been focused on social concertation provides extensive financial incentives and political influence to trade union organizations, which were adequate to their incorporation in the Andalusian model over other considerations. Secondly, this type of continuous and stable process can contribute to enhance the indicators studied (trade union density, electoral hearing, coverage of collective bargaining, conflicts and level of knowledge of trade union activities) from 1993 until 2012, and it must do so with respect to the Spanish average. The analysis undertaken has allowed to corroborate the first assumption, due the participation in the regional social concertation model has generated doubts and controversies in the majority trade unions, singularly in CC OO-A (Andalusian Confederation of Workers’ Commissions) - particularly for the purpose of assessing the social pacts results about the improvement of the production model and employment in the region. However, the political influence at the highest level and the supplementary financing reached were enough to the leadership of both unions to be ascribed to the pacts model started in 1993. Nevertheless, it cannot be concluded the verification of the second hypothesis. The rise in the political influence and the expansion of the services on offer, which have coincided with the increase of organizations\' technical and administrative structures as shown by the extraordinary evolution of staff costs of CC OO-A between 1993 and 2003, have not been accompanied by an extension of these influences towards workers. The indicators studied (trade union density, electoral hearing, coverage of collective bargaining, conflicts and level of knowledge of trade union activities) have not advanced over the analyzed period, their evolution have been worse than Spanish average. Thus there is no a correspondence between the political influence obtained, particularly high in the region, and the logic of the economic and social influence, which development is very limited. Therefore, it has been established a situation of imbalance that the majority trade unions have become more dependent of the social concertation, as in other territories of Europe. This competitive social concertation model favors the flexibility in business strategies and less regulation. This type of corporatist participation has come out, at least on the Andalusian case, as irrelevant and even counterproductive in order to broaden the base of organizations.