Gendered Pathways to Crime

The principle that laws should apply equally to all, regardless of financial status, social standing, religion, race, or caste, is widely accepted (Clear, 2009). However, the question remains whether the formulation, design, and implementation of laws should account for markers of exclusion and marginalization, such as gender (Bloom et al., 2003). The literature on Gendered Pathways Theory (GPT) addresses this issue, arguing that while criminal acts may be gender-neutral, the pathways leading to these acts are distinctly gendered (Daly, 1992). Ignoring the gendered nature of these pathways-encompassing the motivations, commission, and consequences of crime-can lead to ineffective policies and flawed conclusions in criminological research (Reisig et al., 2006). How are Pathways to Crime, Gendered? Marginalization and exclusion are rarely the result of a single factor; rather, they stem from multiple intersecting variables, which include religion, race, their status socially, and gender (Crenshaw, 1989). Women experience these factors differently from men due to their gendered identity, which places them at a structural disadvantage from birth (Chesney-Lind and Pasko, 2013). Societal norms impose distinct expectations and restrictions on women, rooted in the normative foundations of the society in which they live (Belknap, 2007). These norms are transmitted through the family, the primary social unit, which enforces compliance to avoid societal reproach (Morash and Schram, 2002). Consequently, women's lived experiences-whether in familial, social, or public settings-differ fundamentally from those of men, shaping their interactions in spaces such as classrooms, ceremonies, or public events (Richie, 1996). The effects of gender are compounded by other markers of marginalization, such as economic status, social standing, educational attainment, and ethnic background (Collins, 2000). As Crenshaw's (1989) concept of intersectionality suggests, these overlapping factors amplify marginalization. For instance, post-disaster rehabilitation literature indicates that marginalized groups-such as women, children, and the disabled-face more severe consequences following a calamity due to their pre-existing socioeconomic or political disadvantages (Enarson, 2000). This intersectional lens highlights why the pathways towards committing a crime could be different fundamentally for women, from those of men, even when committing similar offenses (Broidy and Agnew, 1997). Women's gendered identity, assigned at birth, shapes their societal roles and expectations (Chesney-Lind, 2006). For example, cultural norms may dictate that a wife should not challenge her husband, yet when a woman asserts her opinion, she may face persistent abuse-methodical and enduring, as noted in GPT literature (Richie, 2012). This abuse can push women toward extreme actions, including violent crimes (DeHart, 2008). Similarly, poverty affects women differently due to intersecting factors such as gender, low socioeconomic status, or caste (Bloom et al., 2004). A woman from a marginalized background may struggle to secure a livelihood, increasing her vulnerability to criminal pathways (Owen and Bloom, 1995).