Author
Listed:
- Etienne Fakaba Sissoko
(Université des sciences sociales et de gestion de Bamako - USSGB - Université des sciences sociales et de gestion de Bamako, CRAPES MALI - Centre de Recherche et d'Analyses Politiques, Economiques et Sociales du Mali, Faculté des Sciences économiques et de Gestion - USSGB - Université des sciences sociales et de gestion de Bamako)
Abstract
This article provides an in-depth analysis of the dissolution of political parties in Mali, formalized by presidential decree on May 13, 2025, in the context of a prolonged military transition. Officially presented as a measure to reform and sanitize the national political landscape, this decision in fact reflects a broader dynamic of authoritarian drift. Drawing on the theoretical frameworks of legal authoritarianism (Scheppele, 2013) and hybrid regimes (Schedler, 2006; Levitsky & Way, 2010), the article demonstrates how law is instrumentalized to legitimize political exclusion and consolidate military power. The legal analysis reveals that this measure explicitly violates several fundamental articles of the 2023 Malian Constitution, particularly Article 17 on freedom of association, Article 39 guaranteeing the role of political parties in democratic expression, and Article 185 ensuring the inviolability of multiparty democracy. Moreover, it contravenes Mali's international commitments, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the ECOWAS Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. The study offers a comparative analysis of recent democratic regressions in West Africa, highlighting the uniquely radical and systematic nature of the Malian case compared to those observed in Chad, Niger, and Senegal. The article explores four potential scenarios for exiting the crisis: (1) an authoritarian status quo, sustained by a consolidation of security forces and a lack of effective internal or external pressure; (2) an institutional compromise resulting from increased international pressure by ECOWAS, the African Union, and global actors; (3) a bottom-up democratic reconstruction driven by popular resistance, civil society, and mobilized diasporas; and (4) an internal military coup triggered by deep divisions within the army and growing dissatisfaction among security forces. The article concludes by emphasizing the critical need for future empirical and theoretical research to better understand the long-term evolution of legal authoritarianism and the dynamics of democratic resistance in the Sahelian context.This article provides an in-depth analysis of the dissolution of political parties in Mali, formalized by presidential decree on May 13, 2025, in the context of a prolonged military transition. Officially presented as a measure to reform and sanitize the national political landscape, this decision in fact reflects a broader dynamic of authoritarian drift. Drawing on the theoretical frameworks of legal authoritarianism (Scheppele, 2013) and hybrid regimes (Schedler, 2006; Levitsky & Way, 2010), the article demonstrates how law is instrumentalized to legitimize political exclusion and consolidate military power. The legal analysis reveals that this measure explicitly violates several fundamental articles of the 2023 Malian Constitution, particularly Article 17 on freedom of association, Article 39 guaranteeing the role of political parties in democratic expression, and Article 185 ensuring the inviolability of multiparty democracy. Moreover, it contravenes Mali's international commitments, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the ECOWAS Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. The study offers a comparative analysis of recent democratic regressions in West Africa, highlighting the uniquely radical and systematic nature of the Malian case compared to those observed in Chad, Niger, and Senegal. The article explores four potential scenarios for exiting the crisis: (1) an authoritarian status quo, sustained by a consolidation of security forces and a lack of effective internal or external pressure; (2) an institutional compromise resulting from increased international pressure by ECOWAS, the African Union, and global actors; (3) a bottom-up democratic reconstruction driven by popular resistance, civil society, and mobilized diasporas; and (4) an internal military coup triggered by deep divisions within the army and growing dissatisfaction among security forces. The article concludes by emphasizing the critical need for future empirical and theoretical research to better understand the long-term evolution of legal authoritarianism and the dynamics of democratic resistance in the Sahelian context.
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