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A Test of a Partial Theory of Potential for Political Violence

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  • Muller, Edward N.

Abstract

Potential for political violence is defined by a summated scale built from two cumulative scales measuring approval of and readiness to engage in behaviors which constitute progressively greater challenge to a political regime. A prevalent explanation of potential for political violence proposes that the major direct antecedent is relative deprivation. The partial theory proposed here does not assign a central role to relative deprivation; rather, diffuse support for the political authority structure, and belief that political violence has led to goal attainment in the past, are proposed as major direct antecedents. Relative deprivation is denned by position on the Cantril Self-Anchoring scale with respect to three welfare values. The measure of diffuse affect for the political authority structure is a weighted summation of items measuring the degree to which political authorities are believed to wield power honestly, benevolently, and justly. Belief that political violence has led to goal attainment is denned as a summation of items measuring the degree to which the use of political violence by dissident groups is thought to have been helpful. The data base is a sample of a population in which instances of political violence have been frequent in the past. A linear additive model of Potential for Political Violence, with Trust in Political Authorities and Efficacy of Past Violence as describing variables, shows an accuracy of prediction which is satisfactory and superior to that yielded by a multiplicative model.

Suggested Citation

  • Muller, Edward N., 1972. "A Test of a Partial Theory of Potential for Political Violence," American Political Science Review, Cambridge University Press, vol. 66(3), pages 928-959, September.
  • Handle: RePEc:cup:apsrev:v:66:y:1972:i:03:p:928-959_14
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    Cited by:

    1. Eran Zaidise & Daphna Canetti‐Nisim & Ami Pedahzur, 2007. "Politics of God or Politics of Man? The Role of Religion and Deprivation in Predicting Support for Political Violence in Israel," Political Studies, Political Studies Association, vol. 55(3), pages 499-521, October.
    2. Stephen G. Brush, 1996. "Dynamics of Theory Change in the Social Sciences," Journal of Conflict Resolution, Peace Science Society (International), vol. 40(4), pages 523-545, December.
    3. Peter Schmidt & Edward Muller, 1978. "The problem of multicollinearity in a multistage causal alienation model: A comparison of ordinary least squares, maximum-likelihood and ridge estimators," Quality & Quantity: International Journal of Methodology, Springer, vol. 12(4), pages 267-297, December.
    4. Joseph DiGrazia, 2014. "Individual Protest Participation in the United States: Conventional and Unconventional Activism," Social Science Quarterly, Southwestern Social Science Association, vol. 95(1), pages 111-131, March.
    5. Jay Verkuilen, 2005. "Assigning Membership in a Fuzzy Set Analysis," Sociological Methods & Research, , vol. 33(4), pages 462-496, May.
    6. Michael Smithson, 1985. "Translatable statistics and verbal hypotheses," Quality & Quantity: International Journal of Methodology, Springer, vol. 19(2), pages 183-209, April.
    7. Michael Stohl, 1975. "War and Domestic Political Violence," Journal of Conflict Resolution, Peace Science Society (International), vol. 19(3), pages 379-416, September.
    8. David Snyder, 1978. "Collective Violence: A Research Agenda and Some Strategic Considerations," Journal of Conflict Resolution, Peace Science Society (International), vol. 22(3), pages 499-534, September.
    9. Reilly Barry & Sam Hannah, 2022. "The distributional impact of the Sierra Leone conflict on household welfare," IZA Journal of Development and Migration, Sciendo & Forschungsinstitut zur Zukunft der Arbeit GmbH (IZA), vol. 13(1), pages 1-41, January.

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