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Monopolizing Violence and Consolidating Power

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  • Robert Powell

Abstract

Governments in weak states often face an armed opposition and have to decide whether to try to accommodate and contain that adversary or to try to consolidate power and monopolize violence by disarming it. When and why do governments choose to consolidate power and monopolize violence? How fast do they try to consolidate power? When does this lead to costly fighting rather than to efforts to eliminate the opposition by buying it off? We study an infinite-horizon model in which the government in each period decides how much to offer the opposition and the rate at which it tries to consolidate its power. The opposition can accept the offer and thereby acquiesce to the government's efforts to consolidate, or it can fight in an attempt to disrupt those efforts. In equilibrium, the government always tries to monopolize violence when it has "coercive power" against the opposition where, roughly, coercive power is the ability to weaken the opposition by lowering its payoff to fighting. Whether the government consolidates peacefully or through costly fighting depends on the size of any "contingent spoils," which are benefits that begin to accrue from an increase in economic activity resulting from the monopolization of violence and the higher level of security that comes with it. When contingent spoils are small, the government buys the opposition off and eliminates it as fast as is peacefully possible. When contingent spoils are large, the government tries to monopolize violence by defeating the opposition militarily. JEL Codes: D02, D74, H1. Copyright 2013, Oxford University Press.

Suggested Citation

  • Robert Powell, 2013. "Monopolizing Violence and Consolidating Power," The Quarterly Journal of Economics, President and Fellows of Harvard College, vol. 128(2), pages 807-859.
  • Handle: RePEc:oup:qjecon:v:128:y:2013:i:2:p:807-859
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    File URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1093/qje/qjt003
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    Cited by:

    1. Przeworski, Adam & Rivero, Gonzalo & Xi, Tianyang, 2015. "Elections as a conflict processing mechanism," European Journal of Political Economy, Elsevier, vol. 39(C), pages 235-248.
    2. Galindo-Silva, Hector, 2021. "Political openness and armed conflict: Evidence from local councils in Colombia," European Journal of Political Economy, Elsevier, vol. 67(C).
    3. Thiemo Fetzer & Pedro C. L. Souza & Oliver Vanden Eynde & Austin L. Wright, 2021. "Security Transitions," American Economic Review, American Economic Association, vol. 111(7), pages 2275-2308, July.
    4. Helios Herrera & Massimo Morelli & Salvatore Nunnari, 2022. "A Theory of Power Wars," Quarterly Journal of Political Science, now publishers, vol. 17(1), pages 1-30, January.
    5. Kimbrough, Erik O. & Laughren, Kevin & Sheremeta, Roman, 2020. "War and conflict in economics: Theories, applications, and recent trends," Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization, Elsevier, vol. 178(C), pages 998-1013.
    6. Mercier, Marion & Silve, Arthur & Tremblay-Auger, Benjamin, 2023. "Building Reputation: Proxy Wars and Transnational Identities," IZA Discussion Papers 16340, Institute of Labor Economics (IZA).
    7. Morelli, Massimo & Rohner, Dominic, 2015. "Resource concentration and civil wars," Journal of Development Economics, Elsevier, vol. 117(C), pages 32-47.
    8. Konyukhovskiy, Pavel V. & Grigoriadis, Theocharis, 2018. "Proxy wars," Discussion Papers 2018/4, Free University Berlin, School of Business & Economics.
    9. Chelsea A. Pardini & Ana Espinola-Arredondo, 2021. "Violence, coercion, and settler colonialism," Journal of Theoretical Politics, , vol. 33(2), pages 236-273, April.
    10. Sonin, Konstantin & Wright, Austin L., 2018. "Rebel Capacity and Combat Tactics," CEPR Discussion Papers 13155, C.E.P.R. Discussion Papers.
    11. Andrés Zambrano & Hernando Zuleta, 2016. "Revealing the preferences of the FARC," Documentos CEDE 14572, Universidad de los Andes, Facultad de Economía, CEDE.
    12. Nathan Canen & Jacob Schwartz & Kyungchul Song, 2020. "Estimating local interactions among many agents who observe their neighbors," Quantitative Economics, Econometric Society, vol. 11(3), pages 917-956, July.
    13. Jung, Florian & Sunde, Uwe, 2014. "Income, inequality, and the stability of democracy — Another look at the Lipset hypothesis," European Journal of Political Economy, Elsevier, vol. 35(C), pages 52-74.
    14. Jones, Daniel B. & Troesken, Werner & Walsh, Randall, 2017. "Political participation in a violent society: The impact of lynching on voter turnout in the post-Reconstruction South," Journal of Development Economics, Elsevier, vol. 129(C), pages 29-46.
    15. Anne Meng, 2019. "Accessing the state: Executive constraints and credible commitment in dictatorship," Journal of Theoretical Politics, , vol. 31(4), pages 568-599, October.
    16. Ernesto Dal Bó & Pablo Hernández & Sebastián Mazzuca, 2015. "The Paradox of Civilization: Pre-Institutional Sources of Security and Prosperity," NBER Working Papers 21829, National Bureau of Economic Research, Inc.
    17. Antoine Pietri, 2017. "Les modèles de « rivalité coercitive » dans l’analyse économique des conflits," Revue d'économie politique, Dalloz, vol. 127(3), pages 307-352.
    18. Jordan Adamson, 2021. "The scope of political jurisdictions and violence: theory and evidence from Africa," Public Choice, Springer, vol. 186(3), pages 467-490, March.

    More about this item

    JEL classification:

    • D02 - Microeconomics - - General - - - Institutions: Design, Formation, Operations, and Impact
    • D74 - Microeconomics - - Analysis of Collective Decision-Making - - - Conflict; Conflict Resolution; Alliances; Revolutions
    • H1 - Public Economics - - Structure and Scope of Government

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