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Assessing Trade Agendas in the US Presidential Campaign

Author

Listed:
  • Marcus Noland

    (Peterson Institute for International Economics)

  • Gary Clyde Hufbauer

    (Peterson Institute for International Economics)

  • Tyler Moran

    (Peterson Institute for International Economics)

  • Sherman Robinson

    (International Food Policy Research Institute)

Abstract

Republican candidate Donald J. Trump’s sweeping proposals on international trade, if implemented, could unleash a trade war that would plunge the US economy into recession and cost more than 4 million private sector American jobs, according to an empirical analysis of the two candidates’ trade agendas by the Peterson Institute for International Economics. Trump has proclaimed that he would “rip up” existing trade agreements, renegotiate the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and impose a 35 percent tariff on imports from Mexico and a 45 percent tariff on imports from China. Hillary Clinton, the Democratic candidate, has expressed skepticism about trade but in effect represents stasis. Both candidates have come out against the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) between the United States and 11 Pacific Rim countries, which President Barack Obama signed earlier in 2016. The authors of the empirical assessment, Marcus Noland, Tyler Moran, and Sherman Robinson, extend a macroeconomic model from Moody’s Analytics and find that if Trump raises tariffs sharply on China, Mexico, and other trading partners, export-dependent US industries that manufacture machinery used to create capital goods in the information technology, aerospace, and engineering sectors would be the most severely affected. But the shock resulting from Trump’s proposed trade sanctions would also damage sectors not engaged directly in trade, such as wholesale and retail distribution, restaurants, and temporary employment agencies, particularly in regions where the most heavily affected goods are produced. Millions of American jobs that appear unconnected to international trade—disproportionately lower-skilled and lower-wage jobs—would be at risk, according to the empirical study. In a legal analysis, Gary Clyde Hufbauer argues that there is ample precedent and scope for a US president to unilaterally raise tariffs as Trump has vowed to do as a centerpiece of his trade policy. Any effort to block Trump’s actions through the courts, or amend the authorizing statutes in Congress, would be difficult and time-consuming. In a separate chapter Noland analyzes the impact of trade policies advocated by both Trump and Clinton on the United States’ foreign policy interests. Pulling out of the TPP, as both candidates promise to do, would weaken US alliances in Asia and embolden its rivals, thus eroding US national security. Noland also warns that abrogation of NAFTA, as Trump threatens, would deliver a severe blow to Mexico’s economic and political development that could increase, not decrease, the flow of illegal migrants and drugs into the United States.

Suggested Citation

  • Marcus Noland & Gary Clyde Hufbauer & Tyler Moran & Sherman Robinson, . "Assessing Trade Agendas in the US Presidential Campaign," PIIE Briefings, Peterson Institute for International Economics, number PIIEB16-6, October.
  • Handle: RePEc:iie:piiebs:piieb16-6
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    Citations

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    Cited by:

    1. Sébastien Jean & Ariell Reshef, 2017. "Why Trade, and What Would Be the Consequences of Protectionism?," CEPII Policy Brief 2017-18, CEPII research center.
    2. Rekha Misra & Sonam Choudhry, 2020. "Trade War: Likely Impact on India," Foreign Trade Review, , vol. 55(1), pages 93-118, February.
    3. Allyson L. Benton & Andrew Q. Philips, 2020. "Does the @realDonaldTrump Really Matter to Financial Markets?," American Journal of Political Science, John Wiley & Sons, vol. 64(1), pages 169-190, January.
    4. Bown, Chad P., 2021. "The US–China trade war and Phase One agreement," Journal of Policy Modeling, Elsevier, vol. 43(4), pages 805-843.
    5. Tom Coupé & Oleksandr Shepotylo, 2021. "Popular Support For Trade Agreements And Partner Country Characteristics: Evidence From An Unexpected Election Outcome," Economic Inquiry, Western Economic Association International, vol. 59(1), pages 549-566, January.
    6. Marcus Noland, 2018. "US Trade Policy in the Trump Administration," Asian Economic Policy Review, Japan Center for Economic Research, vol. 13(2), pages 262-278, July.
    7. Owoye, Oluwole & Onafowora, Olugbenga A., 2020. "United States-China Trade War And The Emergence Of Global Covid-19 Pandemic," Economia Internazionale / International Economics, Camera di Commercio Industria Artigianato Agricoltura di Genova, vol. 73(4), pages 435-466.
    8. Harm Bandholz & Detlef Junker & Thomas Jäger & Holger Schmieding & Josef Braml & Stormy-Annika Mildner & Julia Howald, 2016. "America After the Election: What Does Donald Trump's Election Win Mean for the USA and Europe?," ifo Schnelldienst, ifo Institute - Leibniz Institute for Economic Research at the University of Munich, vol. 69(23), pages 03-22, December.
    9. Jason Furman, 2017. "What is the potential growth rate of the U.S. economy, and how might policy affect it?," Business Economics, Palgrave Macmillan;National Association for Business Economics, vol. 52(3), pages 158-167, July.
    10. Alim Rosyadi, Saiful & Widodo, Tri, 2017. "Impacts of Donald Trump’s Tariff Increase against China on Global Economy: Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) Model," MPRA Paper 79493, University Library of Munich, Germany.
    11. Jon Johnson, 2017. "The Art of Breaking the Deal: What President Trump Can and Can’t Do About NAFTA," C.D. Howe Institute Commentary, C.D. Howe Institute, issue 464, January.

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