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Reality Asserts Itself: Public Opinion on Iraq and the Elasticity of Reality

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  • Baum, Matthew A.
  • Groeling, Tim

Abstract

Prevailing theories hold that U.S. public support for a war depends primarily on its degree of success, U.S. casualties, or conflict goals. Yet, research into the framing of foreign policy shows that public perceptions concerning each of these factors are often endogenous and malleable by elites. In this article, we argue that both elite rhetoric and the situation on the ground in the conflict affect public opinion, but the qualities that make such information persuasive vary over time and with circumstances. Early in a conflict, elites (especially the president) have an informational advantage that renders public perceptions of “reality†very elastic. As events unfold and as the public gathers more information, this elasticity recedes, allowing alternative frames to challenge the administration's preferred frame. We predict that over time the marginal impact of elite rhetoric and reality will decrease, although a sustained change in events may eventually restore their influence. We test our argument through a content analysis of news coverage of the Iraq war from 2003 through 2007, an original survey of public attitudes regarding Iraq, and partially disaggregated data from more than 200 surveys of public opinion on the war.

Suggested Citation

  • Baum, Matthew A. & Groeling, Tim, 2010. "Reality Asserts Itself: Public Opinion on Iraq and the Elasticity of Reality," International Organization, Cambridge University Press, vol. 64(3), pages 443-479, July.
    • Handle: RePEc:cup:intorg:v:64:y:2010:i:03:p:443-479_00
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    Cited by:

    1. Strong, James, 2015. "Why parliament now decides on war: tracing the growth of the parliamentary prerogative through Syria, Libya and Iraq," LSE Research Online Documents on Economics 57325, London School of Economics and Political Science, LSE Library.
    2. Dara Kay Cohen & Connor Huff & Robert Schub, 2021. "At War and at Home: The Consequences of US Women Combat Casualties," Journal of Conflict Resolution, Peace Science Society (International), vol. 65(4), pages 647-671, April.
    3. John Kuk & Deborah Seligsohn & Jiakun Jack Zhang, 2022. "The partisan divide in U.S. congressional communications after the China shock," Economics and Politics, Wiley Blackwell, vol. 34(3), pages 494-526, July.
    4. Christopher Gelpi, 2017. "Democracies in Conflict," Journal of Conflict Resolution, Peace Science Society (International), vol. 61(9), pages 1925-1949, October.
    5. Sarah Maxey, 2021. "Limited Spin: When the Public Punishes Leaders Who Lie about Military Action," Journal of Conflict Resolution, Peace Science Society (International), vol. 65(2-3), pages 283-312, February.
    6. Philip Paolino, 2017. "Surprising Events and Surprising Opinions," Journal of Conflict Resolution, Peace Science Society (International), vol. 61(8), pages 1795-1815, September.
    7. Kelly Morrison, 2024. "Named and Shamed: International Advocacy and Public Support for Repressive Leaders," Journal of Conflict Resolution, Peace Science Society (International), vol. 68(2-3), pages 294-321, March.
    8. A. Burcu Bayram & Todd Shields, 2021. "Who Trusts the WHO? Heuristics and Americans’ Trust in the World Health Organization During the COVID‐19 Pandemic," Social Science Quarterly, Southwestern Social Science Association, vol. 102(5), pages 2312-2330, September.

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