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L'économie des consommations à risques au miroir des politiques de santé publique

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Author Info

  • Fabrice Etile

    ()
    (Alimentation et Sciences Sociales)

Abstract

Ce mémoire en vue de l’Habilitation à Diriger des Recherches examine les rapports entre l’analyse économique des consommations dites ‘à risques‘ et les politiques publiques visant à les réguler. Il s’agit plus spécifiquement de comprendre les difficultés de l'économie des comportements à risques à s'imposer dans les processus d'élaboration des politiques publiques. Pour ceci, il faut identifier les apports positifs et normatifs de l’analyse économique à la compréhension de ces comportements, et à la justification et la construction des politiques visant à les réguler. Il faut aussi confronter ces apports à ce que ces politiques sont réellement: un projet de gestion des risques et de normalisation des comportements par l’éducation pour la santé. Ce travail de confrontation s'appuie pour l'essentiel sur mes travaux, que j'utilise dans une perspective à la fois critique et programmatique. Je présente les principaux traits du modèle de capital-santé de Grossman, en soulignant sa modernité. D'une part, il met en forme des mécanismes comportementaux bien identifiés par la sociologie de la santé à travers les concepts de capital-santé et de technologie de production (Section II-1). D'autre part, il propose une grille de lecture normative des comportements de santé, qui est apparemment en ligne avec l'évolution des manières de penser et construire les politiques de santé publique: accent mis sur la responsabilité individuelle et l'action sur les comportements; prise en compte des ressorts naturels des conduites individuelles; recours à l'information et aux prix comme outils de régulation, dans le respect des libertés individuelles (Section II-2). Ceci suggère, pour reprendre une grille de lecture Foucaldienne, que le modèle de demande de santé pourrait fonder dans l'ordre du positif, et dans celui du normatif, une forme quasi-pure de gouvernementalité néolibérale des conduites individuelles de santé. Cependant, dans les faits, les politiques de santé publique ne s'inspirent guère de ce modèle. Je rappelle en effet que les politiques d'information visent à changer aussi bien les perceptions des risques que les préférences des individus, contrevenant ainsi au "De Gustibus Non Est Disputandum" Beckerien. Je montre que la diffusion d'information sur les risques génériques des consommations a peu d'effet sur les perceptions individuelles des risques, soulignant ainsi une limite de l'approche économique du point de vue de promoteurs de la santé publique attachés à l'efficacité des dispositifs de prévention (Section III-1). C'est pourquoi des actions ciblées d'information et d'éducation pour la santé, s'appuyant sur des personnes relais, semblent a priori plus efficaces, et mises en œuvre par la Santé Publique. Mais leur effet est très hétérogène. Il dépend notamment de la proximité à la source d'information, ainsi que des caractéristiques psycho-sociales et de la carrière de consommation des bénéficiaires de l'action (Section III-1). Ces résultats montrent que l'analyse économique des politiques d'information est, d'un point de vue positif, hors-sujet, en ce qu'elle ignore le but réel des institutions et acteurs de ces politiques: une mise aux normes des comportements individuels (Section III -4). Je montre en quoi ceci complique toute évaluation ex post des campagnes d'information publique (Section III 2). Les politiques de taxation des comportements à risques ont sans doute des effets plus assurés que les politiques d’information, même si pesant plus lourdement sur les classes populaires, elles sont régressives (Sections IV-1 et IV-2). L'analyse du discours des promoteurs de la santé publique révèle également que l'outil prix est mis au service d'objectifs de mise aux normes des comportements, et non d'internalisation des externalités qu'ils produisent. Ainsi, les politiques de régulation des comportements à risques ne s'inspirent pas des formes de gouvernementalité de type néolibérales repérées par Foucault à la fin des années 70, formes incarnées notamment dans le modèle de demande de santé (et plus généralement par l'approche néo-classique). Pourquoi, alors, rester attacher à ce modèle ? Comment, éventuellement, le réformer ? Pour répondre à ces questions, il me semble qu'il faut en revenir à l'analyse des deux types de facteurs qui contraignent l'action: (1) les contraintes, ce qui signifie aller au-delà de la contrainte de budget et intégrer notamment les contraintes physiologiques et perceptuelles; (2) les représentations des agents. Sur ce dernier point, et de manière peut-être surprenante, l'approche néo-classique apparaît particulièrement utile à l'analyse des inégalités sociales de santé, en lien avec les différences sociales de représentations. La prévalence des comportements étiquetés à risques est plus élevée dans les classes populaires, et les politiques de prix et d'information semblent creuser ces inégalités. J'examine deux explications : les différences sociales dans les coûts d'opportunité des conduites à risques (Section V) ; le rejet des normes de comportement promues par la santé publique, au nom de normes de goût fondées sur les interactions sociales (Section VI). Mes travaux me conduisent à relativiser l'argument de l'autonomie et de la résistance des normes sociales de consommation, et à valider l'hypothèse de différences dans les coûts d'opportunité. Les plus pauvres prennent plus de risques car ils ont moins à y perdre, et leur apparent manque de tempérance est le produit d'une rationalité plus conséquentialiste qu'il n'y paraît de prime abord. Leurs représentations de l'avenir diffèrent de celles en vigueur dans les classes aisées, moins par myopie que par réalisme sur leurs chances de vie. Pour autant, ce petit succès de la théorie dans l'ordre du positif ne doit pas masquer l'ampleur des défis scientifiques auxquels l'économie des comportements à risques est confrontée (Sections VII et VIII). Tout d'abord, les représentations ne se réduisent pas aux coûts d'opportunité. Elles incluent également la manière dont les individus pensent le processus de production de leur propre santé: rôle de la responsabilité individuelle; croyance en l'efficacité des dispositifs marchands ou médicaux etc. Ensuite, les modèles doivent intégrer les contraintes physiologiques et perceptuelles qui affectent l'éventail et la valeur des options de choix ouvertes aux consommateurs. Je conclue donc à la nécessité de modéliser et d’analyser plus en détail l'effet des contraintes biologiques, des dispositifs marchands et des techniques de gouvernement des corps sur les choix de consommation. Enfin, l'analyse économique est confrontée à un défi normatif majeur : comment penser l'action publique dès lors que les politiques de santé publique visent à normaliser les comportements, dans un rapport de concurrence avec le marché? Je discute ici des propositions de l'économie comportementale et suggère que, d’un point de vue normatif, il s’agit de rejeter à la fois le dogme de la souveraineté du consommateur et la capture des politiques publiques par une élite bureaucratique et technologique ‘éclairée’. Ceci implique une refondation radicale du processus démocratique de construction des politiques publiques.

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Paper provided by Institut National de la Recherche Agronomique, France in its series Working Papers with number 221515.

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Length: 155 p.
Date of creation: 2013
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Handle: RePEc:inr:wpaper:221515

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Keywords: Economie de la santé; Politiques Publiques; Biopolitique; Econométrie; politique publique; économie de la santécomportement à risques; norme sociale; biopolitiqueéconométriepolitique de santé;

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