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Authority, Efficiency, and Agricultural Organization in Medieval England and Beyond: A Hypothesis

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  • Fenoaltea, Stefano

Abstract

Recent accounts of medieval agricultural organization begin not with a description of “the†manor but with a warning that no single archetype may be considered appropriate. From place to place, from generation to generation, a property might be exploited as a single unit, divided between tenancies and demesne, or wholly partitioned into tenancies; and the land would be worked by a correspondingly varied mixture of “employees†and independent labor. This complex historical record is still far from being explained by a suitable model. In the secondary sources, the varying size of the demesne is most frequently attributed to changes in relative prices: the demesne is buoyant, it is argued, when output prices are high and wages low; when prices fall and wages rise, rents become more attractive and the demesne is parcelled out. The difficulty with this explanation, however, is that rents are not independent of output prices and wages: in simple economic theory, rent so adjusts to prices and wages as to always equal the surplus that could be earned by direct exploitation, and the proportion of tenant land on an estate is a matter of indifference. This does not of course mean that it was so in fact; it does mean, however, that one must carefully specify which of the many considerations neglected by that simple theory are in fact critical to the problem at hand.

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  • Fenoaltea, Stefano, 1975. "Authority, Efficiency, and Agricultural Organization in Medieval England and Beyond: A Hypothesis," The Journal of Economic History, Cambridge University Press, vol. 35(4), pages 693-718, December.
  • Handle: RePEc:cup:jechis:v:35:y:1975:i:04:p:693-718_07
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    Cited by:

    1. Marina Bianchi, 1994. "Evolutionary metaphors and the justification of economic efficiency," Finnish Economic Papers, Finnish Economic Association, vol. 7(1), pages 17-29, Spring.
    2. Emanuele Felice, 2020. "LÕalbatros. Ricordo di Stefano Fenoaltea (The albatros. In memory of Stefano Fenoaltea)," Moneta e Credito, Economia civile, vol. 73(292), pages 397-407.
    3. Epstein, Stephan R., 1994. "Freedom and growth. The European miracle?," Economic History Working Papers 22437, London School of Economics and Political Science, Department of Economic History.
    4. Bell, Adrian R. & Brooks, Chris & Killick, Helen, 2022. "The first real estate bubble? Land prices and rents in medieval England c. 1300–1500," Research in International Business and Finance, Elsevier, vol. 62(C).
    5. Cliff T. Bekar & Clyde G. Reed, 2012. "Land Markets and Inequality: Evidence from Medieval England," Discussion Papers dp12-14, Department of Economics, Simon Fraser University.
    6. Cliff T. Bekar & Clyde Reed, 2009. "Risk, Asset Markets and Inequality: Evidence from Medieval England," Oxford Economic and Social History Working Papers _079, University of Oxford, Department of Economics.
    7. Ogilvie, Sheilagh & Carus, A.W., 2014. "Institutions and Economic Growth in Historical Perspective," Handbook of Economic Growth, in: Philippe Aghion & Steven Durlauf (ed.), Handbook of Economic Growth, edition 1, volume 2, chapter 8, pages 403-513, Elsevier.
    8. McDonald, John & Snooks, G. D., 1986. "Domesday Economy: A New Approach to Anglo-Norman History," OUP Catalogue, Oxford University Press, number 9780198285243, Decembrie.
    9. Jonathan Conning, 2004. "The Causes of Slavery or Serfdom and the Roads to Agrarian Capitalism: Domar's Hypothesis Revisited," Economics Working Paper Archive at Hunter College 401, Hunter College Department of Economics.

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