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The Political Origins of the UN Security Council's Ability to Legitimize the Use of Force

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  • Voeten, Erik

Abstract

Since, at least, the Persian Gulf War, states have behaved “as if†it is costly to be unsuccessful in acquiring the legitimacy the UN Security Council confers on uses of force. This observation is puzzling for theories that seek the origins of modern institutional legitimacy in legalities or moral values. I argue that when governments and citizens look for an authority to legitimize the use of force, they generally do not seek an independent judgment on the appropriateness of an intervention but political reassurance about the consequences of proposed military adventures. Council decisions legitimize or delegitimize uses of force in the sense that they form widely accepted political judgments on whether uses of force transgress a limit that should be defended. These judgments become focal points in the collaboration and coordination dilemmas states face in enforcing limits to U.S. power while preserving mutually beneficial cooperation. In this article, I discuss the implications for the Council's legitimacy and theories of international legitimacy.Earlier versions of this article were presented at the 2003 International Studies Association Conference, Portland, Ore., 1 March; the 2003 Annual Meetings of the American Political Science Association, Philadelphia, 29 August; Columbia University International Politics Series, New York, 29 September 2003; and the Olin Institute for Strategic Studies at Harvard University, Cambridge, 6 October 2003. I thank the participants in these seminars, the editor, and anonymous referees of International Organization; and I also thank Bob Axelrod, Bruce Cronin, Michael Dark, Monica Duffy Toft, Nisha Fazal, Jim Fearon, Martha Finnemore, Page Fortna, Stacy Goddard, Macartan Humphries, Ian Hurd, Patrick Thaddeus Jackson, Andrew Kydd, Edward Miller, Katia Papagianni, Rita Parhad, Holger Schmidt, Arturo Sotomayor, and Joel Westra for useful comments, suggestions, and corrections. As usual, remaining errors are the sole responsibility of the author.

Suggested Citation

  • Voeten, Erik, 2005. "The Political Origins of the UN Security Council's Ability to Legitimize the Use of Force," International Organization, Cambridge University Press, vol. 59(3), pages 527-557, July.
  • Handle: RePEc:cup:intorg:v:59:y:2005:i:03:p:527-557_05
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    Cited by:

    1. Axel Dreher & Stephan Klasen & James Raymond Vreeland & Eric Werker, 2013. "The Costs of Favoritism: Is Politically Driven Aid Less Effective?," Economic Development and Cultural Change, University of Chicago Press, vol. 62(1), pages 157-191.
    2. Manuel Becker & Thomas Dörfler & Thomas Gehring, 2018. "Credible commitment without independent regulatory agent: Evidence from the Security Council's United Nations Compensation Commission," Regulation & Governance, John Wiley & Sons, vol. 12(3), pages 395-412, September.
    3. Miles Kahler, 2011. "Legitimacy, humanitarian intervention, and international institutions," Politics, Philosophy & Economics, , vol. 10(1), pages 20-45, February.
    4. C.S.R. Murthy, 2018. "United Nations and the Arab Spring: Role in Libya, Syria, and Yemen," Contemporary Review of the Middle East, , vol. 5(2), pages 116-136, June.
    5. repec:got:cegedp:123 is not listed on IDEAS
    6. Axel Dreher & James Raymond Vreeland, 2011. "Buying Votes and International Organizations," Courant Research Centre: Poverty, Equity and Growth - Discussion Papers 78, Courant Research Centre PEG.
    7. Geoffrey PR Wallace, 2019. "Supplying protection: The United Nations and public support for humanitarian intervention," Conflict Management and Peace Science, Peace Science Society (International), vol. 36(3), pages 248-269, May.
    8. Aysegul Aydin, 2010. "Where Do States Go? Strategy in Civil War Intervention," Conflict Management and Peace Science, Peace Science Society (International), vol. 27(1), pages 47-66, February.
    9. Axel Dreher & Vera Eichenauer & Kai Gehring & Vera Z. Eichenauer, 2013. "Geopolitics, Aid and Growth," CESifo Working Paper Series 4299, CESifo.
    10. Ryan Brutger & Richard Clark, 2023. "At what cost? Power, payments, and public support of international organizations," The Review of International Organizations, Springer, vol. 18(3), pages 431-465, July.
    11. Axel Dreher & Jan-Egbert Sturm & James Raymond Vreeland, 2015. "Politics and IMF Conditionality," Journal of Conflict Resolution, Peace Science Society (International), vol. 59(1), pages 120-148, February.
    12. Adedokun, Ayokunu, 2017. "Transition from civil war to peace: The role of the United Nations and international community in Mozambique," MERIT Working Papers 2017-014, United Nations University - Maastricht Economic and Social Research Institute on Innovation and Technology (MERIT).
    13. Bobba, Matteo & Powell, Andrew, 2007. "Aid Effectiveness: Politics Matters," IDB Publications (Working Papers) 1598, Inter-American Development Bank.
    14. Dreher, Axel & Sturm, Jan-Egbert & Vreeland, James Raymond, 2009. "Global horse trading: IMF loans for votes in the United Nations Security Council," European Economic Review, Elsevier, vol. 53(7), pages 742-757, October.
    15. Amy Yuen, 2020. "Negotiating peacekeeping consent: Information and peace outcomes," Journal of Peace Research, Peace Research Institute Oslo, vol. 57(2), pages 297-311, March.
    16. repec:got:cegedp:97 is not listed on IDEAS
    17. Scott Wolford, 2020. "War and diplomacy on the world stage: Crisis bargaining before third parties," Journal of Theoretical Politics, , vol. 32(2), pages 235-261, April.
    18. Nadav G. Shelef & Yael Zeira, 2017. "Recognition Matters!," Journal of Conflict Resolution, Peace Science Society (International), vol. 61(3), pages 537-563, March.
    19. Terrence L. Chapman, 2007. "International Security Institutions, Domestic Politics, and Institutional Legitimacy," Journal of Conflict Resolution, Peace Science Society (International), vol. 51(1), pages 134-166, February.

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